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Title 

SESAMA A Bi-monthly Bulletin on Humanitarian News in Indonesia

No

2

Period

14 January 2002

 

 

AKUI - AKSI KEMANUSIAAN UNTUK INDONESIA

HUMANITARIAN ACTION FOR INDONESIA

 

Editors:  Lea Pamungkas, Lily Djojoatmodjo, and Teresa Birks

 

Editorial Note

 

An Indonesia poet has described his own country as a 'country of conjurers.'Conjuring where absurd logic can no longer find its roots in reality.Need proof?Let's examine the case of Jono (35) who was arrested early last January as a suspect in the bombing of 4 churches in Poso. Two weeks previously, this young man was one of the signatories of the Malino Declaration. His appearance amongst a number of important Muslim and Christian leaders raised a few eyebrows. Because Jono introduced himself as a representative of Poso Muslims. Yet not one Muslim group in Poso had recommended Jono. Nor was Jono registered as an activist or a member of any Islamic faction anywhere in Poso District.  And throughout almost 3 years on unrest, not once had the Muslim  community in Poso seen or heard of Jono assisting the Muslim struggle in Poso.

 

So there you have it. And in this country of conjurers, the politics of thuggery (premanism) is adopted as a political strategy by a various elements of the state. It is this practice which has cost 5000 lives in Poso.  And so now in the wake of the

Malino Declaration I, which used up 100 billion Rupiah, all types of ‘tricks’ have been invoked by the conjurers:  manipulating the data of internally displaced persons (IDPs) so that it appears larger, appropriating money intended for the victims, appropriating their ‘share’ in order to build their houses, whilst the IDPs are left to suffer.

 

Given the reality of this situation, it is our opinion that the international community should address this problem with clarity, and avoid being ensnared into the pattern of political games being played out in Indonesia. And in order that the funds reach those in need - however small - it would be best if the assistance

intended for the IDPs disbursed via the Indonesian government be accompanied by a request for transparency and accountability, as well as the direct involvement of the people themselves.  Thus it is hoped that a control mechanism be created on the side of the people which might eliminate all the ‘conjuring tricks.’

 

POSO’s CONFLICT : LOCAL POLITICAL ELITE POWER PLAY ARENA

 

Introduction

 

In Poso, Central Sulawesi there are estimated to be at least 97,655 IDPs, and losses incurred due to unrest which has taken place since 24 December 1998 are thought to be in the region of Rp. 300 billion.  The District, which has a population of 231,898

inhabitants is known as a rich and fertile area famous for its cocoa, cloves, rice and ebony.  The people of Poso are made up of a number of ethnic groups such as the Bungku, Mori, Pamona, Lore and Tojo - the majority of whom are Christian - live in

harmony with outside groups who have settled in the area, including the Bugis, Makasar, Gorontalo, Javanese and Arabs, the majority of whom are Muslim.  Other settlers include Minahasa, Balinese and Chinese.  Before 24 December 1998, relations in general between them was relatively harmonious. However, after

this date, a number of different conflicts emerged and it Poso.

 

News concerning the conflict in Poso reported in a variety of media both at home and abroad in general (only) describe the unrest as the result of horizontal conflict between different religious and ethnic groups. However, when asked, the people of Poso themselves stated that they ‘didn’t know’ what the roots of the conflict were, (Media Indonesia, 6.1.02) which has resulted in more than 5,000 deaths (data from the Centre for Legal Advocacy and Human Rights - PAHAM, Pusat Advokasi Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia, January 2002). In general, the people themselves

are also not able to state who exactly is responsible for the unrest which has not only resulted in material losses, but loss of life as well.  Ny Misna for example, a mother of three, is seeking refuge in the West Palu Gawalise Stadium and says that those

responsible for setting fore to her home in Sintuwu valley in Lage Sub-district were unidentified armed personnel.

 

The majority of the people of Poso, particularly those at grassroots level, in general tend not to understand what the “Jakarta Government” means when it refers to the ethnic and religious conflict, something increasingly evident since the ‘First Malino Declaration’ (issued on 18 December 2001 by the Jakarta Government as part of its efforts to end the conflict). In Tokorondo village, dozens of Christian inhabitants returned to their homes after having sought refuge elsewhere. Halfway along the Trans-Sulawesi highway, which runs through Tokorondo village, they came across a number of trucks carrying their Muslim neighbours. Spontaneously, they all got out of their vehicles and embraced one another - not surprising when two long-parted friends meet up again.

 

A report by KONTRAS (The Commission for the Disappeared and the Victims of Violence - Komisi Untuk Orang Hilang dan Korban Kekerasan),concerning Poso which was published in the middle of 2000 states that religious and ethnic conflict was not the only reason for the conflict in Poso.  Also important has been the power politics played out by the local elite in order to maintain control, often supported by the power and authority of both civilian and military government institutions, their members and others too.  Using masks, wearing ‘ninja’ style outfits and

Committing brutal acts, they not only provoked the local inhabitants, but also adopted a scorched earth policy,committed acts of violence and killings. This phenomenon is known as Political Premanism, (paid thugs, often unemployed, disenfranchised youth,in the pay of political interests,ed ).  This is a phenomenon often witnessed throughout the unrest in Maluku.

 

Observations by PAHAM add that aside from the power politics of the local elite as well as religious and ethnic conflict, in the middle of 2001, the conflict spread between the local people and TNI (military) and Brimob (special police unit) forces.  Findings by Komnas HAM (The National Commission for Human Rights) indicate that there were at least 600 members of Laskar Jihad (a militant Islamic organisation) posted in Poso. They began to arrive at the beginning of October 2001, under the auspices of providing humanitarian assistance to the IDPs.

 

One of Komnas HAM’s recommendations was that the Government Immediately withdraw all members of Laskar Jihad from Poso. In response to the Komnas HAM recommendation, the Minister for Coordination of Political and Security Affairs Menkopolkam), Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, stated that there was no significant difference between the process and findings between the government and the Komnas HAM fact-finding team. He stated that 70% of the findings by the government and Komnas HAM were the same.

 

Thus far the Indonesian Government has not been serious in its handling of the real source of the conflict, not only in Poso, but also in West and Central Kalimantan, Maluku and Aceh. The roots of the problem both vertical as well as horizontal have neither been addressed nor resolved. Government initiatives to resolve the conflict have been minimal and give the impression of being quick-fix, piecemeal responses.

 

It was not until 18 December 2001 that the Government issued the Malino Agreement for Poso (also known as the First Malino Declaration). This initiative was received by the two warring parties in Poso, and went some way to reducing the scale of the violence in Poso. However, the declaration was not founded at

grassroots level.

 

In general, the people of Poso are willing to receive help in any shape or form which is aimed to resolve the Poso conflict, however, their involvement is rarely sought.  Yet in terms of the destruction in the wake of the violence, they find it harder to accept. They still await the government to fulfil its promises in respect of aid and assistance for them.

 

BACKGROUND

 

a. Local Political Elite Power Play Arena

 

Based on an investigation report by KONTRAS in respect of Poso,

which was carried out between 19 June - 21 July 2000, the beginnings of the conflict in Poso which have become what we are concerned with today lie with the power play of the political elite in order to ensure their power and control by using the strength of/putting pressure on the masses and making use of misguided policies/authority of civilian and military government forces.  This political power play provided a conducive arena for provocation of religious and ethnic differences. The strength of

feelings of solidarity within the different clans and differences in character enable the local inhabitants into being provoked. In the end it was religious differences that became the strongest weapon in seeking support and solidarity, as well as being a

relatively easy matter to ‘sell’ to outside parties as the reason behind the conflict.

 

The role of religious leaders - who in traditional Indonesian life are often the pillars of society - did not function as they should have when called upon, moreover “were involved/involved themselves” in the conflict. Several incidents indicate that a number of religious and local leaders as well as government officials were to be found in the midst of the unrest, leading, mobilising and funding mass activities. The involvement of local government officials is also proven by the fact that monies

used to fund the unrest include funds intended for the benefit of the people, namely from the Farmers Cooperative Fund (KUT, Koperasi Unit Tani).

 

Other reasons why the unrest spread (throughout 2001 the unrest continued unchecked)lies in the local people’s disappointment with the role of the law enforcement agencies. Even in cases where the names of those thought to have been implicated in the unrest were identified by the police, with sufficient evidence to back-up their suspicions,nothing was done by way of follow-up by the law enforcement agencies.  As many as 28 members of the military and 14 police officers who were arrested in 2000, on suspicion of having been implicated in the unrest, as well as dozens of government officials believed to have been perpetrators of the violence. Yet their cases have been ‘lost’ and forgotten and there has been no follow up.  There has been some kind of legal impunity at work that hasn’t in any way taken into account the need for justice of the people of Poso. This reality is also reinforced by the behaviour of members of the armed forces.  Both when handling the unrest as well as when carrying out stop and search operations for weapons, the attitude of the military soon lost the sympathy of the people. They were not only rude and brusque, but their actions were accompanied with threats and violence, beating up inhabitants who had knives, as well as burning down whole villages. Members of the armed forces were not afraid to steal the possessions of the local inhabitants, none of which were in any way relevant to the object of their operations (household appliances, farm animals etc.).

 

Facing loss of hope and trust in the law enforcement agencies and failing to gain any protection from the security forces, the people in the end sought their own remedies.

This is evidenced by the training of indigenous peoples of Poso in the Kele’i mountain range area in North Pamona Sub-district in order to carry out attack and to seek out the provocateurs who were at loose in the area.

 

b. Process of the Poso Conflict

 

In general the Poso conflict may be divided into 4 periods, namely

o        Poso I (December 1998);

o        Poso II (April 2000);

o        Poso III (May 2000) and

o        Poso IV (October 2001).

 

POSO I

 

The conflict in Poso which has cost so many thousands of lives, has its roots in a ‘simple’ incident. Namely, the fight between youths who happened to be from different religious backgrounds, because they were drunk, which eventually spread and

destroyed a settlement giving rise to a feeling of solidarity in the name of religion.

When the Central Sulawesi Governor visited the area of the unrest, a number of names were circulating, of those who were referred to as ‘security disturbers,’ of GPK Gerakan Pengacau Keamanan), from both of the warring parties. The names include Herman Parimo (Christian) and Aziz Lapatoro (Muslim). Before his case made it to the courts, Herman died whilst in detention, and it has since been

proved that Agfar Patanga was the person responsible for circulating the list of names. He is the head of Poso District local government, who is also the younger brother of the Poso District Regent.

 

During that period there were a number of demands (which would be More appropriately be referred to as threats, ed.) from a member of the Central Sulawesi Provincial Government (DPRD Tk I), Haelani Umar who was quoted in the local press, “Mercusuar” as saying, “if Damsyik Djaelani is not appointed as Poso Regional Secretary, then there will be unrest during Poso II which will be far greater than the unrest during Poso I.”

 

POSO II

 

Before the matter of the circulation of the list of names was able to be completely resolved, the unrest known as Poso II erupted on 6 April 2000. This time the background to the unrest lay also in a fight between youths of different religious backgrounds. The unrest spread to all corners of the town of Poso, and the masses

resorted to the use of knives and machetes as well as other

homemade weapons.

 

In the wake of the unrest, an initiative emerged from a number of

individuals who claimed to be local and religious leaders to go to the Poso Regent’s official residence. Their demands bore no relation to the ongoing situation, but they demanded, inter alia, that

1.      Damsyk Djaelani be returned to the position of Regional Secretary;

2.      Brimob forces be withdrawn from Poso;

3.      the Agfar Patanga case be put on hold and

4.      The Poso Chief of Police be decommissioned.  These demands clearly indicate that there was conflict between the interests of the local political elite as well as conflict between the police and the military.

 

POSO III

 

On 22 May 2000, more violent conflict once more broke out.  At that time, a group emerged which called itself the Kelelawar Hitam (Black Bats) which resulted in 3 deaths, including a police officer from Kayamanaya. Meanwhile, the Catholic Housing Complex as well as the Wali Songo Islamic School (Pesantren) were  completely destroyed. The mass slaughter took place in a number of different places and locations. Most of the corpses found in the Poso River had their hands tied and were headless. The bodies buried in Lawanga area are difficult to identify, because they were not complete and had been partly burnt too.

 

POSO IV

 

The conflict spread and included clashes between the local people and the military and Brimob. The situation in Poso continued to degenerate. The peak of the violence took place during November, with the result that the Bishop of Manado, Mgr Yosephus Suwutan MSC issued and emergency call for help, an SOS, for the people of Poso. This call was made by Mgr Suwatan in connection with conditions in Poso and several other surrounding areas which were causing grave concern because there was every indication of the possibility of the total annihilation of the local population. Moreover, the town of Tentena which was home to around 30,000 Christian IDPs, was in danger of being attacked. And at that time, Tentena was the only town that was relatively safe for the IDPs.

 

The conflict, that had been blamed on religion, was intensifying just as Suwatan had stated, and he admitted that he had received a copy of a letter written by a group of local inhabitants who described themselves as the Poso District Christian People (MKKP, Masyarakat Kristen Kabupaten Poso), which was addressed to the UN

Secretary General, Kofi Anan. Its contents included:

1.      a request for UN intervention in order to stop the violence and human rights violations which were taking place in Poso District, particularly in Christian villages;

2.      that the security forces (military and police) were not able to uphold law and order, with the result that law and order was now in the hands of the Laskar Jihad;

3.      that the Indonesian government was not able to end or resolve the conflict which had continued over the last 3 years and which had cost the lives of thousands of victims as well as material losses;

4.      that if the situation was not contained, the attacks would continue and would result in a serious humanitarian tragedy and 5. that the current conditions (29 November 2001, 20.00) were increasingly tense. Attacks, arson, killings and plunder were taking place everywhere at the hands of unidentified armed groups and/or who wore the mask of Laskar Jihad, as a trend of mass politics which had the aim of developing a culture of political premanism.

 

 

CENTRAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT RESPONSE

 

The First Malino Declaration and the deployment of the Military

First/Fast Strike Units (PPRC, Pasukan Pemukulan Reaksi Cepat)

 

a. Political Solution

 

The Central Government (read Jakarta) via the Coordinating  Minister for Cooperatives and Prosperity, Yusuf Kalla, took the initiative to hold a meeting between the two groups (perceived groups, ed.) who were in conflict in Poso, in Malino, Gowa, South

Sulawesi.  Witnessed by the South Sulawesi Governor (as host), the

Governor of Central Sulawesi, the VII Wirabuana Military Commander, Secretary General of the Council of Muslim Scholars (MUI, Majelis Ulama Islam), representatives of the Alliance of Churches in Indonesia (PGI, Persekutuan Gereja-Gereja Indonesia), 24 members of the Christian delegation and 25 member of the Muslim

delegation signed what has become known as the First Malino Declaration. The contents of the First Malino Declaration include:

1.      the end to all forms of conflict and disagreement;

2.      observe all forms and efforts to uphold the law and support legal sanctions made against anyone who violates the law;

3.      call upon the state security forces to act firmly and justly in order to restore security;

4.      to  ensure= the creation of a peaceful atmosphere, reject the implementation of civilian emergency as well as involvement by foreign parties;

5.      remove all libellous claims and dishonesty against all parties and uphold a mutual feeling of respect and forgiveness in order to create harmony;

6.      that Poso is an integral part of the Republic of Indonesia. Thus, each and every inhabitant has the right to live, to move to and exist peacefully and respecting the local customs;

7.      all rights and possessions must be returned to the rightful owners, as was the case prior to the outbreak of unrest;

8.      return all IDPs to their villages;

9.      carry out total economic rehabilitation in cooperation with the government;

10.  carry out the religious duties and observances of the respective religions in an atmosphere of mutual respect, and observe all regulations which have been agreed upon, both in relations to legislation and government decrees and other stipulations.

 

Realisation of the declaration was to be implemented by means of the Commission for Security and Law and Order as well as the Social Commission. The contents and role of the Commission for Security and Law and Order were circulated and made public between 21 December 20001 and 6 January 2002.  The relocation of the IDPs back to their villages was carried out between 7 February and 7 March 2002. The upholding of law and order began on 7 February and is scheduled for a period of five months. As part of the law and order process, there will be an arms amnesty whereby all the inhabitants of Poso must hand in their weapons. If this is not observed, then under the Emergency Legislation, the  perpetrator may receive the death sentence.

 

b. Implementation

 

The first stage implemented was the handing over of weapons from both sides which have thus far (been perceived as) being in conflict.  During the first 2 weeks after the First Malino Declaration was made, as many as 19,128 weapons were handed over to the security forces. According to local security forces estimates, around 8,141 of those weapons have already been destroyed.  The deadline for the handover of weapons was up until 7 February last.

 

Apparently in order to speed up the stages decided upon by the

Government, the military have deployed around 350 First/Fast Strike personnel (PPRC) in Poso since 15 January 2002 and it is planned that they will be on the ground for around 3 months.

This raises questions concerning the likelihood of putting an end to violence and unrest by increasing the number of military personnel on the ground, bearing in mind that they are indeed an element of the violence in question.

 

Also using the justification of ensuring that the situation in Poso be contained, the local police have arrested around 3,000 newcomers to Poso who are said to have no identification. They are said to have come from Central Java and South  Sulawesi.

They were then sent back home by the police themselves because

most of them did not have sufficient funds for the journey back.  The Central Sulawesi Chief of Police, Brigadier General H Zainal Abidin Ishak stated that this was being done because since 7 January it had been decreed that newcomers should leave Poso.

 

In respect of the 3,000 ‘newcomers’ referred to above, it is perfectly possible that they include IDPs originally from Poso who were forced to seek refuge in a number of areas, including Central Java and South Sulawesi.  During the panic and violence, where a number of villages were razed to the ground, there were killings and death threats, is it likely that an ID card would be the first thing to be saved?  If it turns out that many of the 3,000 are indeed Poso IDPs, then what has occurred is indeed an act of impropriety that violates the local people.

 

 

IDPs VICTIMS OF THE UNREST

 

The Indonesian government system established in order to respond

to the needs of IDPs is extremely unclear.  The links between the centre and the regions has been reorganised. On the one hand there has been a process of decentralisation, where many decisions are taken by the local government itself. On the other hand, decisions taken concerning assistance to IDPs are made by Bakornas, the National Coordination Body (Badan Koordinasi Nasional). Presidential Decree No. 3 Year  2001 gives Bakornas the authority to coordinate and received assistance from the international community in order to disburse it via local government and other related agencies as determined by both central and local  government.

 

The bureaucratic hierarchy which includes various components from

ministers to the National Social Prosperity Board (Badan Kesejahteran Sosial Nasional), has rendered the government’s response to IDP needs very slow indeed. This situation is of great concern, particularly bearing in mind that government assistance for IDPs over the last three years of IDP problems in Indonesia has not been effective, has  not made it to the IDPs themselves, is not disbursed in a routine manner, is not in accordance with sums agreed upon or has even been stalled in the provincial governor’s bank account.

 

This matter is further complicated by the existence of regulations at national as well as local level that are concerned with IDPs. One of these that is currently causing problems concerns the Coordinating Body for Disaster Management and IDP/Refugee

Assistance (Bakornas PBP), headed by the Vice President and a

number of ministers. They rarely consult with or involve NGOs and the local people. They are very centralised and elitist and belittle participation by the people at grassroots level. Other factors which contribute to the chaotic nature of response to IDP problems is the lack of coordination between government agencies in the field, the appropriation of assistance earmarked for the IDPs by government officials, and the procedure for handling IDP problems which in effect does not take into consideration Basic Principles on Internal Displacement).

 

In addition, there is absolutely no transparency in the handling and disbursement of assistance, and the government has been disbursing humanitarian aid via bureaucratic channels without involving local CSOs on the ground.  There is no accountability for the government aid intended for IDPs, which has been appropriated by unaccountable government officials.  According to PAHAM overseas aid which has been obtained by the Indonesian Government in order to assist the IDPs, is always much smaller when disbursed than the original sum given.

 

IDP Conditions

 

The IDP victims of the Poso conflict are spread out in a number of

towns/regions in Central Sulawesi, such as Palu, Parigi, Ampana, Tentena, Luwu, as well as Manado (North Sulawesi), Ujung Pandang (South Sulawesi), and several other towns on the island of Java.  According to KONTRAS, conditions in the IDP camps (which are usually sports stadia) are highly inappropriate, particularly in respect of sanitation. The camps overflow with water when it rains and rubbish lies scattered around, creating conditions highly conducive to the spread of disease. Malaria, chest infections and diarrhoea are the main diseases which the IDPs are vulnerable to.

 

At the height of the conflict, between May and June 2001, according to PAHAM figures, 5,000 people were killed, 10,000 houses were burnt to the ground and around 70,000 people sought refuge outside of Poso. The largest displacement of people took

place in Palu where at one point as many as 40,000 people were relocated.  The largest number of IDPs were camped at the Gawalise sports stadium.

 

The worst conditions are to be found in Tentena. Most of the IDPs

are indigenous inhabitants of Poso, namely the Christian Pamona or Mori people. They are not able to leave the camp and facilities are minimal. And as has already been publicised, government assistance for day to day needs was stopped at the end of December.

 

The displacement has had a very damaging impact on all the people

of Poso, particularly the women and children. Most of the children have experience trauma in the wake of the conflict, having witnessed the violence and killing of members of their families.  The Poso Department of Health has stated that 30% of the 20,000 Poso IDPs have experience psychological disturbances. The Director of the Central Mamboro Hospital in Poso as said the same of the 1,325 IDPs located in Palu, of whom 1,323 he states have suffered from stress. Three hundred and ninety-three of them are children.

He added that psychological problems have been experienced by

around 31% of the children, 30% of adults whereas around 26% have experienced depression. Around 17% are quick to anger and are irritable, 10% have suffered from psychosis and 29% have lost the will to work.

 

Relocation and Repatriation of the IDPs

 

Since September 2001, the government took the decision that it

would end the emergency livelihood aid/day to day needs funding for the IDPs and stated that the IDP problem would be resolved by the end of 2002 (now Indonesia has 1.4 million IDPs)., with funds totalling Rp. 2 trillion ( EU 200 million) For Poso, the  Government has stated that it would take six months (from 1 December 2001 to 31 May 2002) to resolve the IDP problem, in three main stages, namely ending the conflict followed up with arms decommissioning by the two parties, upholding law and order in the conflict area and then protecting and promoting public order in the area. This ultimatum was adopted by the Poso local government, and funding of Rp 100 billion has been disbursed.

 

As a result of these decisions, the IDPs from Poso have been given

two options, either to return back to their homes (repatriation) or to be relocated to transmigration area in Donggala District. The repatriation option has usually been turned down by the largest number of IDPs, out of fear for their safety. It also seems that the Government is not yet in a position to handle the numerous problems which it faces. This is evidenced by the explanation given by the head of the Central Sulawesi Settelement Programme (Kepala Dinas Pemukiman Prasarana Wilayah Sulteng), Mashud Kasim, that post the First Malino Declaration, the Central Government (read Jakarta) does not yet have sufficient funding to build 6,054 homes for the IDPs who have chosen to be repatriated.

 

The relocation process has also experienced problems. In May

2001, 1,187 people took part in the transmigration programme in Donggala District. However, the programme only lasted 5 months (October 2001) when 19 families decided to return to the IDP camp, citing that conditions in the field were not in accordance with government promises as their reason.

 

Use of IDP Funds

 

After the Malino Declaration, the Indonesian Government stated that it would set aside Rp. 100 million for the rehabilitation of homes, schools and places of prayer, as well as for compensation for the families of those who were killed. Each house destroyed is eligible to Rp. 5 million - Rp. 4 million for the cost of building materials and Rp. 1 million for repairs.  Rp. 2 million has been allocated by way of compensation to the families of the dead.  It was planned that between January and June 2002, the

programme to return the IDPs to their homes would be implemented.

 

Particularly in respect of efforts to rehabilitate housing for the IDPs, two weeks after the Government statement regarding  allocation of funds as above, Mashud Kasim stated that he had not yet received the funds needed to rebuild the 6,054 units of

temporary housing for the IDPs who were to be returned to their villages.

 

In order to deal with this problem, the Government decided to work

together with a number of state-owned companies (BUMN, Badan Usaha Milik Negara), including PT Hutama Karya, PT Wijaya Karya, PT Adhi Karya, PT Brantas Abipraya and PT Pembangunan Perumahan (the majority of the shares of 4 of the 5 companies are owned by the children and cronies of ex-President Suharto, ed.). According to Kasim, they were forced to work with these companies because the need for temporary shelter was urgent, but the funding had not yet

been disbursed.

 

There is also the problem of compensation for the homes destroyed

in the conflict, which has not been implemented and allocated as was stated. According to government statements, for each house destroyed, the occupants would received Rp. 5 million. However, according to Inamullah from Tokorondo, the assistance they have received thus far has been in the form of 13 sacks of cement, 40 sheets of galvanized zinc, 21 sheets of triplex and 1.5 cubic metres of wood.  If added up, this is far short of the Rp. 4 million sum allocated for building materials. According to  Inamullah, not all the villagers of Tokorondo have received assistance from the government.  And the government has not yet explained the criteria used in order to determined who is eligible to assistance and who isn’t.  The people and the IDPs who have suffered such great losses throughout the conflict and its aftermath have been forced through necessity to accept whatever it is determined by the Government.

 

* This publication has been made possible with the cooperation of NOVIB.

 

AKUI- Aksi Kemanusiaan untuk Indonesia

Humanitarian Action For Indonesia

Postbank : 741548 Kvk. 3410743

 

Address:

Indonesia House

Jacob van Lennepkade 255,

1054 ZS  Amsterdam,

Tel.: 020-7774949, Fax: 020-7774948

E-mail : akui@xs4all.nl

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